Monday, July 9, 2018
Sunday, July 8, 2018
जाति व्यवस्था, सामंतवाद, सांप्रदायिक फासीवाद और नवउदारवाद के खिलाफ विभिन्न समुदायों में एकता लाने के लिए एक पहल
प्रिय सम्मानित साथी,
वाराणसी, जो बनारस या काशी के नाम से भी मशहूर है यह दुनिया के सबसे पुराने शहरों में से एक है | जो 11 वीं शताब्दी ईसा पूर्व से काशी एक आध्यात्मिक व सांस्कृतिक नगरी के रूप में भी जानी जाती है | विभिन्न धर्मावलम्बियों के विचारों का केंद्र होने, अपनी साँझा संस्कृति व गंगा जमुनी तहजीब और बहुलतावादी संस्कृति के साथ ही साथ यह अपने पवित्र गंगा घाट के कारण दुनिया में लोगों के बीच आकर्षण का केंद्र बना है |
जहाँ एक तरफ पुरातन समय से हर धर्म और जाति में समुदायों के बीच में आपस में एक दूरी बनाई गयी है जिसकी वजह से इनमे कभी समन्वय स्थापित नहीं हो पाता है | इसलिए #काशी से "नव-दलित" आंदोलन का आगाज़ करने हेतु एक बेहतरीन मंच बन सकता है जिसके माध्यम से हम आपसी एकता और एकजुटता को बढ़ावा दे सकते है |
9 अगस्त 1942 को भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन की शुरुआत की गयी थी इसी ऐतिहासिक दिन के उपलक्ष्य में वाराणसी के मूलगादी #कबीरचौरा मठ में 9 अगस्त 2018 को “नव दलित सम्मेलन” का आयोजन किया जा रहा है जो एक बेहतर भारत और बेहतर दुनिया के लिए बनारस सम्मेलन के बाद यह एक कदम आगे बढ़ने जा रहा है।
सभी 'टूटे हुए लोगों' और ‘प्रगतिशील लोगों’, की एकता दण्डहीनता की संस्कृति व वंचितिकरण के खिलाफ लड़ने का सबसे अच्छा तरीका है, क्योंकि कि यह परिवर्तन उन लोगों से ही नहीं आएगा, जो इस प्रणाली से लाभ उठाते हैं | इसलिए, संरचनात्मक परिवर्तन केवल सामाजिक पिरामिड के नीचे से ही आना चाहिए | इस आंदोलन को 'नवदलित' कहने का तात्पर्य यह है कि भारत में दलित समुदाय ही है, जो सबसे ज्यादा पीड़ित है और दलित आन्दोलन दुनिया का सबसे उत्कृष्ट अहिंसात्मक व परिणामदायी आन्दोलन रहा है |
“नवदलित आंदोलन” को करने का उद्देश्य राजनीतिक, आर्थिक और सामाजिक स्थितियों में न्याय व समता के परिप्रेक्ष्य में बदलाव लाना प्रमुख है | सबसे पहले, हम कानूनी प्रक्रिया द्वारा राजनीतिक दमन और दण्डहीनता के खिलाफ लड़ सकते हैं | कई मानवाधिकार संगठन पहले से ही 'कानून के गलत नियमों का सम्मान करने वाले ब्राह्मणवादी सोच (पुरोहितवादी सोच) को चुनौती देते हुए सरकार से न्याय पर आधारित कानून के राज को स्थापित करने के लिए संघर्ष कर रहे हैं | वही दूसरी ओर हमें संज्ञानात्मक कमजोरी को बदलकर सामाजिक दण्ड को हराना होगा | क्योकि जातिवादी संग्यनात्मकता ने लोगों को अपनी हीन भावना का शिकार बनाया है और ‘चुप्पी की संस्कृति’ को बढ़ावा दिया है | आज हमें नव दलितों के लिए एक आम मंच बनाने की जरूरत है जिससे यह चुप्पी की संस्कृति की दीवार तोड़ी जा सके, जो यथास्थिति के प्रति स्वीकार्यता की राह प्रशस्त करता है | ऐसे में हमें इस आन्दोलन को आगे बढ़ाने के लिए संवाद की प्रक्रिया शुरू करनी चाहिए जो उन्हें सिखाएगी कि संवैधानिक रूप से हम सभी समान हैं |
नवदलित आंदोलन वंश, जाति, धर्म और लिंग पर आधारित भेदभाव का सामना करने वाले सबसे हाशिए पर पड़े लोगों के लिए उम्मीद, सम्मान और मानवीय गरिमा का प्रतीक है | दण्डहीनता व चुप्पी की संस्कृति के खिलाफ न्याय, क्षमा याचना व न्याय पर आधारित नेल्सन मंडेला के संघर्ष का माडल है | जाति व्यवस्था, सामंतवाद, सांप्रदायिक फासीवाद और नवउदारवाद के खिलाफ विभिन्न समुदायों में एकता लाने के लिए एक पहल है | यह भविष्य में दुनिया में बहुलवादी लोकतंत्र व सभी को तरक्की में योगदान करने की उम्मीद पैदा करता है।
आपको न्याय के साथ सतत शांति के राजदूत बनने के लिए एक विशिष्ट अतिथि के रूप में आमंत्रित करता हूं | ताकि सांप्रदायिक सोच और सांप्रदायिक फासीवाद के खिलाफ हमारे संघर्ष में हम आपके समृद्ध अनुभव से लाभान्वित हो सकें |
हम आपको विशेष अतिथि के रूप में भी आमंत्रित कर रहे हैं | कृपया email@example.com पर अपनी भागीदारी की पुष्टि कर सकते है |
स्थान : मूलगादी कबीर चौरा मठ, पिपलानी कटरा के पास, कबीर चौरा, वाराणसी |
दिनांक : 9 अगस्त, 2018
समय : 11 बजे सुबह
नव दलित विमर्श समन्वयन समिति
मानवाधिकार जननिगरानी समिति, फ्रंट लाइन पब्लिकेशन (लन्दन), यूनाईटेड अगेंस्ट हेट, सात्विक, मीडिया विजिल ट्रस्ट, अशोक मिशन एजुकेशनल सोसाईटी, गाँव के लोग, आशा, सावित्री बा फूले महिला पंचायत, बुनकर दस्तकार अधिकार मंच, यूनाईटेड सिटिज़न फोरम
संपर्क – 9935599333
Event on facebook: https://www.facebook.com/events/1905122466181168/
Friday, July 6, 2018
Alban Berg’s Lulu, and the Journey from Humiliation to Dignity, from the “Machine Principle” to the “Life Principle”
The second example comes from the so-called Neo-Dalit movement in India, which identifies two main problems facing the country: a culture of impunity, and the context of market democracy and economic globalization: “…the Neo-fascist Hindutva project is used to perpetuate caste domination and allow the Indian leaders to realise profit by selling the country to national and international companies… this economic deregulation marginalised lower castes, and therefore, strengthened social division based on castes.” The suggested call for action goes as follows: In the final analysis, we wish to emphasise three ways that the Neo-Dalit movement must take to improve their political, economic and social conditions. First, we may fight against political repression and impunity by legal process. Many human rights organisations are already fighting the system to transform the Brahmanical ‘rule of the lord’ by coercing them respect the imperfect ‘rule of the law’. Secondly, the social impunity should be defeated by changing cognitive weakness. It made some people victim of their inferiority complex and other tormentors due to their superiority complex. We need to create commons forums for NeoDalit, in order to break the wall of silence, which leads to the acceptation of this situation. We need to launch a speech (read dialogue) process, which will teach them that they are equal and that they share common interest. PVCHR is developing nearly two hundred model villages based on concept of Neo-Dalit movement. The Neo-Dalit movement is a sign of hope, honour and human dignity for the most marginalised people facing discrimination based on race, caste, religion and gender. The Nelson Mandela model is the path for PVCHR’s Neo- Dalit movement to bring unity of different communities against the caste system, feudalism, communal-Fascism and NeoLiberalism, through reconciliation for justice and human dignity against the culture of impunity based on silence. It promises to contribute, in posterity, to the pluralistic democracy in the world.
Full paper at Link:
The vast poor majority remains oppressed to the emerging fascist forces. They are brutalised by the caste system, the ‘culture of impunity’ and the hydra-headed tortures. I show how the Neo-Dalit Movement needs to emerge and eradicate the age-old problem, following the Mandela model.
by Lenin Raghuvanshi[i]
India is one of the world’s oldest living civilisations with a vibrant culture and diversity of its people and languages. Paradoxically, this enormous diversity also hides a dark and sinister side in the shadows of its culture, the caste system. Embedded in the feudal culture, based on the mind of the caste for several centuries, the Hindu caste system is one of the world’s longest surviving forms of social stratification. It divides the society into social classes or castes. This graded inequality has the sanction of classical Indian religious scriptures.
Piquantly, the caste hierarchy dictates the lives of its citizens even today. The tribal, Muslims and the lower castes or untouchable communities face discrimination and severe oppression due to their social status. As a result, they have been further marginalised in the society and denied their basic rights.
Despite the fact that untouchability was officially banned, when India adopted its constitution in 1950, discrimination against the lower castes and Musahar is all pervasive. In order to prevent discrimination based on caste and religion, the government passed legislation, in 1989, known as, ‘The Prevention of Atrocities Act’. The act specifically made it illegal to parade people naked through the streets, force them to eat faeces, take away their land, foul their water, interfere with their right to vote, and burn down their homes. Many of the youngest in the community are not allowed admissions in the schools since the upper castes do not want their children to study along with the Musahar children. Since then, the violence has escalated largely as a result of the emergence of a grassroots human rights movement among Musahar to demand their rights and resist the dictates of untouchability.
The severest human rights violations in India, the widespread use of custodial torture, are closely linked to caste-based discrimination. In the context of crime investigation, suspects are tortured to enforce confessions. Due to the absence of an independent agency to investigate cases, complaints are often not properly proofed and perpetrators are never prosecuted and punished. The discrimination of women and gender based violence, which includes domestic violence, dowry linked violence, acid attacks, sexual assault, sexual harassment and sex-selective abortion, are the most relevant human rights issues in India.
Culture of Impunity
The main problems facing the country emerge from two things: the implementation of a ‘culture of impunity’, which is a shared belief that few can act without be accountable for their actions, at the social, economic and political level and the cognitive problem in the context of market democracy and economic globalisation. This explanation reveals how the combination of those two factors – cognitive and contextual – allow the rise of a Neo-Fascism state – an authoritarian state, which wants to make one country with one nation – and the implementation of an aggressive Neo-Liberal capitalism – which perpetuate social and economic injustice. In this way, we would see how the Neo-fascist Hindutva project is used to perpetuate caste domination and allow the Indian leaders to realise profit by selling the country to national and international companies. Furthermore, we understand how this economic deregulation marginalised lower castes, and therefore, strengthened social division based on castes.
Thereafter, we propose a way to correct and change this situation by calling for the creation of a ‘Neo-Dalit’ movement– combining Shudras and ati-Shudras from all regions, which would formulate popular movement against the ‘culture of impunity’ through mobilisation of opinion among leaders from all communities.
The multifaceted problems of our country are interconnected. In order to understand and solve these, we must view the dire problem in totality, not in isolation. We need a comprehensive multi-layer and multi-dimensional approach that takes into account economic, cultural, political and social factors. The People’s Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR) and its partners are actively attempting to fill this opportunity space by courting constructive dialogue with others, all stripes, spots and ideological leanings. Focusing on the diversity of caste experience, rather than being counter-intuitive to movement goals of creating Dalit self-esteem represents a primary step toward creating lasting structural change in the process of strengthening Dalit self-esteem.
Multidisciplinary Approach: for Actors and Factors
India has one of the highest GDP rates of the world. As a ’developing economy’ in a global world-wide economy, the country tries more and more to immerse itself in the international market for goods and capital. This amazing economic growth is beautifully accompanied by the establishment of democracy, and seems to make India a paradise-under-construction. But this lovely facade hides many inappropriate practices such as poverty, brutality and destruction of nature. Let’s review these practices in the context of economic policies.
We may describe Indian economic policy as a conversion to the Neo-Liberalism religion with a brutal ’shut up’, steeped in ritualisation. On one hand, politicians use India as a reservoir of raw materials. They allow big corporation to exploit nature, and destroy the fragile ecosystem, which allows rural people to live, as they have been doing since ages. They sell the entire national key infrastructure – such as water, electricity, health, telecommunication, transport, education, natural resources to private companies to make money through corrupt practices. This privatisation process of state and land is strongly encouraged by Neo-Liberalist global institutions – as the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), etc.
On the other hand, such practices of piracy against people – who are dispossessed of the wealth of their country by political and economic leaders – are perpetrated through by authoritarian and violent measures that government takes against people, who resist, and in the power-that-be’s lingo, try to mutiny against this spoliation. Police uses torture, army is called to crush the innocent citizens, who dare to speak the truth. The state machinery that is supposed to defend people and the hazardous legislation make them safe from any penalty for the violation of human rights are enacted – as the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and Armed Forces Special Power Act, which are used more against people, who dare to criticise these policies than against dreaded terrorists. During that time, other legal texts are enacted to protect and attract multinational companies to provide them fiscal and legal advantages on a very broad definition of what we call the ’free market’– as the Nuclear Civil Liability Bill, which limits liabilities of Transnational Companies (TNC) from nuclear industrial disasters.
Thus, Indian leaders create a good ‘investment climate’ for big corporations. They allow these companies to play their dangerous economic game with all the rights and no duties and with a few and controlled popular contestations. This transforms India into a beautiful dream for TNCs, though they pose and remain a daily nightmare for rural and urban workers. Furthermore, we should understand that this situation is dangerous, not only because this seems to foreshadow the establishment of an authoritarian regime, which allows brutal political repression with impunity, but also because this political impunity is put in place alongside with the implementation of an economic policy of corporate impunity.
But this political and economical culture of impunity cannot only be fully understood by the opening of the Indian market to the international one or by the corruptive practices that plague public and private institutions. Behind those external factors, there is a cognitive reason, which is also very important to understand such behaviours among the actors: the caste system and the mind of the caste.
Indian society has lived for hundreds of years on a strict and rigid social hierarchy based on the Brahmanism stream within Hinduism. The caste system, which so many people see wrongly as concomitant to Hinduism, is a social organisation, which allows upper castes to do whatever they want, including inflicting psychological and physical tortures, to lower castes and women, who are considered inferior because of their birth in low castes. The low castes are forced to accept this supremacy theologically, founded by the gods but actually righting by select human beings to implement an unequal socio-political regime. This belief creates a cognitive complex of inferiority and superiority respectively for the lower and the upper castes. Sadly, it allowed the implementation of a national culture of caste and social impunity, perpetuated by a culture of silence created by fear, pain and lack of self-esteem of the lower castes.
But the story doesn’t stop here, because all these ’cultures of impunity’, which allows a minority group to govern and exploit the majority can be partly questioned by civil society organisations and protest movements that wish to reverse this cognitive and social pyramid or flatten it. For those reasons, power holders use many means to divide the lowers caste majority and divert them from the key issues that face India – through communitarian hatred. They thus ensure their freedom of act as leaders – by enacting draconian laws to ‘protect’ people from communitarian and acts of terrorism that they create to further their diabolical plans.
Brahminical Power Structure
So, political impunity and economical impunity are two sides of the same coin called social impunity. Social activists and lower castes, who want to defend the rights of Dalits, tribal and the critics of the system are beaten up by the police and the army, with scant regard for humanity. However, Neo-Liberalism allows upper castes and big corporations to rake profits, because people fight each other on religious issues or because they do not dare to attack the Brahmanical power structure.
This stratified and divisive process of the poor majority, help those who try to keep their power. They use classical methods to conserve their social position. They know that hate begets hate. This is a universal law. And when the government and its leaders begin to feed communal hatred among their own citizens and practice authoritarian political repression, it qualifies as a ’Neo-fascist’ state because they implement a national culture of hatred against differences, and love – or at least blind respect – for authority.
There are deeper questions and analysis. Do some political leaders have an interest in creating social divisions to conserve their power? Or is it the true aim of the Hindutva forces to divide people to allow the traditional power structure – the upper castes – to keep ruling the country and continue running their businesses with economic leaders? Or that those who promote genocide and mass killings may do so with impunity and that they are actually rewarded for this?
The example of Gujarat Genocide and the verdict of the 16th parliamentary election in India highlights, loud and clear, that Neo-Fascism and authoritarian Hindutva project, which feeds communal hatred and divides the poor majority are also promoted by the economic leaders to hide the implementation of an economic policy of impunity, which is supposed to make India as an attractive country for foreign investments and enrich (read gratify) both political and economic leaders.
In the final analysis, we may say that all political repressions, police torture, bureaucratic corruption, economic exploitation of human and nature, and rigid hierarchy of social domination are allowed as much by the implantation of those social, political and economic cognitive cultures of impunity, rather than by external factors. This may be termed as the dangerous cross-currents of Neo-Liberal capitalism and communal Neo-Fascism.
Reformulation of Political Identity
We have seen that all problems, which look apparently different, are actually linked. We will examine how this multiplicity of causes might be overcome by creating a unity process: a people’s one.
What is the best way to fight against a Neo-fascist politics of castes and communities divide? The answer is unity. What kind of unity may we create to fight against the deep rooted caste system – which is the origin of social division and cultures of impunity – and Neo-Liberalism that increase the gap between the haves and have-nots and deprives many people of the benefit of natural resources?
First, a union of lower’s castes. I mean a union of lower caste from all religions, because misery is beyond theologies. A union between Shudras and ati-Shudras or between Dalits and ati-Dalits, and a union with Muslim lower castes and other marginalised people. A movement of the poor and the abused people for breaking the economic exploitation and the culture of silence of caste torture is another unity.The movement is against Brahmanism and caste system, but not against Hinduism and upper-caste people. The movement is against Neo-Liberalism capitalism, not against democratic capitalism, based on the rule of law, peoples’ welfare and pluralism.
Unity of all ‘broken people’ and progressive people is the best way to fight against this culture of impunity with the norm of exclusion. Because we don’t think that change will come from people, who benefit from this system. So, structural change must only come from the bottom of the social pyramid. I propose to call this movement, ‘Neo-Dalit’, because this is the Dalit community that has been suffering the most. Moreover, this name is already synonym of the political struggle envisaged by Baba Saheb Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar.
Of course, to create a sense of belonging to an imagined political inter-caste community seems both daunting and impossible. The caste structure of the society is old and perfectly integrated into the everyday life. This change of identity requires sacrifices from both, the castes and communities. The Shudras must learn to deny their right to lord on the ati-Shudras, if they want to break free from their upper castes masters. On the other hand, the extended reformulation of the term ‘Dalit’ also requires an ati-Shudra sacrifice, as these take away the monopoly of the first identity that they recognize as legitimate, from the first name that they accept to name themselves. It is a synonym of their political fight. They use first name with a bit of pride.
This integration problem is even greater when we try to include in this movement the ‘old’ – but actually still – lower castes, who converted to Islam or Christianity.
Sameness of Social Groups
Because of all these difficulties, we have to understand and emphasise the sameness among those different social groups. First, we should make them understand that they are both the castes enslaved and alienated by the upper castes through the caste system. They are a majority that is ruled by a minority, in a country that theoretically became a democracy in 1947. Secondly, we should show them that main economic resources and power is held by the upper castes. There is no sense to fight amongst them but to give a positive answer to communitarian hatred. Such behaviours will not help implement Neo-Dalit conditions.
The classical example of the mind of the caste and its implication that the landless Dalit was fighting with a poor Shudra, owner of small tract of land, because cows of the Dalit were grazing on the fields of the Shudra, destroying the crops, in Belwa village of Varanasi. During that time, the rich upper caste, big landlord often exploited Shudras and ati-Shudras. Hitherto, he never had to deal with this kind of problem, because the caste mentality allowed him to beat the lower castes brutally with impunity. The lower castes, over a period of time, have internalised this brutal domination. They regard it as normal and because the upper castes have police in their pocket. Here, we should explain to the Dalit and the Shudra that this conflict results from their marginalisation that they share together due to the mind of the caste. We should convince them that they share a common problem, which requires a united response.
In this way, a united movement of protest of the poor majority would emerge. They would be empowered and would have enough power to fight, in a non-violent way, the atrocities of the rich minority. They perceive themselves as invincible for they have not seen any resistance. They thus feel that they are un-attackable. Similarly, fanatic religious leaders, who feed hatred between communities or divide the lower castes, too have not faced any resistance. The story of corrupt officials, who believe that they might usurp and abuse of the rights of poor are much the same. They together form the power structure and create hegemony because they feel that the fragmented communities and castes are powerless. They have no money. The poor would languish lifelong in jails as under trials in false cases. The poor neither have the money nor the unity to fight the corrupt political regime.
The ‘divide for better rule’ politics has become an institution in the country. A unification process of the lower castes from all religions and further unity with progressive people, born in upper castes, who are against the caste system, is the apt answer. We must create a unified social movement against the decadent Brahmanical caste system and communitarian, based on Neo-Fascism and Neo-Liberal Capitalism.
Three Fights of Neo-Dalits
A union of lower castes against the castes alienation, a union of religions against communitarian, a union of the poor against Neo-Liberalism are the three fights that need to be led by one community, the Neo-Dalits.
But what means of fight should be adopted? How can such social movement of unity emerge? On which kind of struggle should it lead? These questions need to be asked.
The creation of a Neo-Dalit political party doesn’t seem to be the right choice. A political party that wants to defend the poor would not be able to raise enough money to play the election games. Leaders who are involved in the institutional game have a better chance to play as per the corruptive rules of those institutions. Though they are supposed to defend the interests of the Dalits, they end up playing the murky game of so-called democracy only for their own profit – as Mayawati (the BSP Dalit leader) who had a hidden alliance with the RSS. It was a Dalit – Brahmin social engineering that did not attack the evils of te caste system. The reason for this alliance stemmed from her desire to contest for prime minister’s office. Many Dalit political leaders joined the BJP and its alliance in the recent parliamentary election, which was backed by the RSS.
It is better to promote a reconciliation movement among different castes and religious communities at the grassroots to create contact among those who have suffered the menace of communitarian and Brahmanism for a long time. Connection and meetings are the best way to fight again dangerous prejudices that lead to community’s hatred. It reverses the process of division between lower castes. But it is clear that this unification is no cakewalk. Firstly, we need to create a huge and strong network among all the civil society organisations, who fight separately for the Shudras, ati-Shudras, Muslim, Christian, working classes, farmers, etc. The best way is to achieve this union and create a Neo-Dalit social movement of protest through coordinated actions lead by a shared interpretation of our common problems.
For this reason, this present call is for all Shudras and ati-Shudras; to all the organisations that are struggling for human rights and dignity; to all progressive peoples – whatever her/his caste, religion, sex or social class – who want to reverse this process of state-privatisation, abuse of natural resources and division of society through hatred fed by communitarian, feudalism and the patriarchal system implemented by the the Brahmanical caste system and its Hindutva project.
Gandhiji’s Conflict Resolution
But the question remains: what is the best way to bring together different social groups? I think that this process should begin by a closer link between opinion leaders and others representative of those groups. This idea has nothing new. Little after India’s independence, Gandhiji showed us the way. He demonstrated that it is possible to stop communalism in a non-violent way. I talk about what people called ’the miracle of Calcutta’. Gandhiji was able to disarm the communal gangs of the city, but he was not satisfied by this victory. He demanded more. He asked the leaders of the Muslim and the Hindu communities to promise that they would maintain peace amongst them. And the ‘miracle’ happened. Calcutta and its adjoining areas had never had any communal riots. Gandhiji had resolved the conflict, permanently.
This historical incident shows that it is possible to create peace between communities. Opinion leaders have a great role to play. For that reason, the creation of a Neo-Dalit movement can’t only begin with an approximation of the elites. We should organise intensive and repeated meetings with all the communities’ representatives to make them work together, symbiotically. All the actors need to be awakened to better each other’s plight. In this way, they would probably learn that they protect different communities. Also, though the problems seem different but they all suffer because of the culture of impunity and Neo-Liberal alienation. Despite differing perceptions of suffering, their enemy is much the same.
At the grassroots, we must break the wall of silence and enhance the self-esteem of the lower castes to give them back their dignity. We need to make them actors of their own change. Moreover, we should work to bring the communities together by creating some ‘shared public space’ for Shudras and Dalits, for Hindus and Muslims. This last point is important. Most of the socialisation processes seem to happen on the streets – where various communities and castes are together but remain speared in different district or sidewalks – and place of worship – where ati-Shudras are merely tolerated, not accepted, by the others castes.
In the final analysis, we wish to emphasise three ways that the Neo-Dalit movement must take to improve their political, economic and social conditions. . First, we may fight against political repression and impunity by legal process. Many human rights organisations are already fighting the system to transform the Brahmanical ‘rule of the lord’ by coercing them respect the imperfect ‘rule of the law’. Secondly, the social impunity should be defeated by changing cognitive weakness. It made some people victim of their inferiority complex and other tormentors due to their superiority complex. We need to create commons forums for Neo-Dalit, in order to break the wall of silence, which leads to the acceptation of this situation. We need to launch a speech (read dialogue) process, which will teach them that they are equal and that they share common interest. PVCHR is developing nearly two hundred model villages based on concept of Neo-Dalit movement.
The Neo-Dalit movement is a sign of hope, honour and human dignity for the most marginalised people facing discrimination based on race, caste, religion and gender. The Nelson Mandela model is the path for PVCHR’s Neo- Dalit movement to bring unity of different communities against the caste system, feudalism, communal-Fascism and Neo-Liberalism, through reconciliation for justice and human dignity against the culture of impunity based on silence. It promises to contribute, in posterity, to the pluralistic democracy in the world.
 The word ati means extreme. But, in this context, it means the people living in the margins of the marginalised. These people live in extreme deprivation.
Photo Credit: Rohit Kumar, https://www.bistandsaktuelt.no/nyheter/nyheter—tidligere-ar/2012/it-opptur-for-indias-kastelose/
ABOUT THE WRITER: Lenin Raghuvanshi is a Dalit rights activist from India. He is one of the founding members of People’s Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR),] which works for the upliftment of the marginalised sections of the society. His work has been recognized with awards like Gwangju Human Rights Award (2007), the ACHA Star Peace award (2008) and the International Human Rights Prize of the city of Weimar (2010).
The People’s Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCRC), a Varanasi-based NGO, proposes to organize consultation for the creation of of a neo-Dalit movement on August 9, the Quit India day. Lenin Raghuvanshi, who heads the NGO, in a statement, says that the consultation, to be held at Moolgadi Kabirchaura Math, Kabirchaura, Varanasi, is meant to combine “shudras and ati-shudras from all regions” in order to highlight “many abuses” committed against people “due to their caste or their religion”.
According to Raghuvanshi, “I believe that many problems that India faces today are linked together and therefore cannot be separated, both in understanding and resolution. For that reason, I believe that the most effective way to resolve them is to address the problem in a comprehensive approach that takes into account the political, economic and sociological and seeks solutions which take care of those different “linked problems”, based on a popular movement.”
The neo-Dalit consultation is being jointly organized by Front Page Publication (London, UK), PVCHR, Asha, Joint Action Committee (JAC), Media Vigil Trust, United Against Hate, Satvika, Gaon Ke Log, United Citizens’ Forum and Ashok Mission Educational Society, forming the Neo-Dalit Consultation Committee.
Reproduced below in a blog by Raghuvanshi he wrote recently in pvchr.net on what the neo-Dalit movement proposes to do:
India is a beautiful country. A land of great and long History populated by many different peoples, from many different origins, and who have many different religious, political and philosophical views. This cultural mix in the long term and the amazing natural diversity made India one of the richest countries of the world. A land of diversity. But India seems incapable to enjoy this wealth with wisdom. Many abuses are committed against peoples due to their caste or their religion and nature is more and more systematically ransack for privates interests. In that context, I would like to propose an explanation of the causes of this situation in order to suggest subsequently a way to improve the situation for all, and more particularly for the most marginalized.
According to me, the mains problems facing the country came from two thinks: the implementation of a “culture of impunity” – which is a sharing believe that few can act without be accountable for their actions – at the social, economic and political level, and the meet of this cognitive problem with a context of market democracy and economic globalisation. This explanation will try to explain how the combination of those two factors – cognitive and contextual – allow the rise of a neo-fascism state – an authoritarian state which want to make one country with one nation – and the implementation of an aggressive neo-liberal capitalism – which perpetuate social and economic injustice. By this way, we will see how the neo-fascist Hindustan project is use to perpetuate caste domination and allow the Indian leaders to realize profit by selling the country to national and international companies, and we will understand how this economic deregulation marginalized lower castes and therefore, strengthening social division on castes.
After that, I will take time to propose a way to change this situation by calling for the creation of a “neo-Dalit” movement – combining shudras and ati-shudras from all regions. I will also try to explain why this popular movement seems to be the best way to remove this “culture of impunity” and how opinion leaders from all communities have a great role to play on this major gathering.
I would add that I am writing this article because I believe that many problems that face India today are linked together and therefore cannot be separate both in understanding and resolution. For that reason, I believe that the most effective way to resolve them is to address the problem in a comprehensive approach that takes into account the political, economic and sociological and seek to solutions which take care about those different “linked problems” and based on a popular movement.
A multidisciplinary approach to a better understanding of the actors and factors
India has one of the highest GDP rates of the world. As a “developing economy” in a global world-wide economy, the country tries more and more to insert themself on the international market for goods and capital. This amazing economic growth is beautifully accompanied by the establishment of democracy, and seems made India as a paradise under construction. But this lovely frontage hiding many inappropriate practices which create poverty, brutality and nature destruction. Let’s begin this round trip of those practices by a little bit of economic policy.
We can describe Indian economic policy as a conversion to the neo-liberalism religion with a brutal “shut up” ritualization. On one hand, politicians use India as a reservoir of raw materials. They allows big corporation to rape nature, and destroyed a fragile ecosystem who’s allow rural peoples to live since the down of live, and they sell all the national key infrastructure – such as water, electricity, health, telecommunication, transport, education, natural resources – to privates companies in order to make money through corrupt practices. This privatization process of state and land is also strongly encouraged by neo-liberalist global institutions – as the World Bank, the international monetary funds, etc.
In the other hand, such practices of piracy again People – who is dispossesses of the wealth of his country by political and economic leaders – are allows by authoritarian and violent measures that government takes again peoples who trying to mutiny again this spoliation. Police is using torture, army is sending against citizens who is supposed to defender and hazardous legislation which makes both of them safe from any penalty for the violation of human rights are enacted – as the Prevention of Terrorism Act, which is as much used against terrorists than against peoples who attempt to peacefully criticize these policies. During that time, other legal texts are enacted to protect and attract multinational companies in order to provide to them fiscal and legal advantages on a very broad definition of what we call the “freemarket”– as the Nuclear Civil Liability Bill which limits liabilities of Transnational companies (TNC) for nuclear industrial disaster!
By this way, Indian leaders try to create a good “investment climate” for big corporation, allow them to play their dangerous economic game with all the right and no duties, and with a few and controlled popular contestation. A beautiful dream for TNC and a daily nightmare for rural and urban workers. Furthermore, we should understand that this situation is dangerous, not only because this seems to foreshadow the establishment of an authoritarian regime which allow brutal political repression with impunity, but also because this political impunity is put in place alongside with the implementation of an economic policy of corporates impunity.
But this political and economic culture of impunity cannot only be fully understand by the opening of Indian market to the international one or by the corruptive practices that plague public and private institutions. Behind those external factors, there is a cognitive reason which is also very important to understand such behaviors among actors. I want to talk about the caste system.
Indian society has lived for hundreds of years on a strict and rigid social hierarchy based on the Brahmanism stream within Hinduism. The caste system – which so many peoples see wrongly as concomitant to Hinduism – is a social organisation of society which allows upper caste to do whatever they want – including mental and physical tortures – to lower castes and women, who are considered as inferior. Those last ones have just to accept this supremacy theoretically founded by gods but actually righting by human to implement an unequal political regime. This believe created a cognitive complex of inferiority and superiority – respectively for the lower and the upper castes – which allowed the implementation of a national culture of caste and social impunity, itself perpetuate by a culture of silence created by fear, pain and lack of self-esteem of the lower casts.
But the story doesn’t stop here, because all those “cultures of impunity” which allow a minority group to govern and exploit the majority of the peoples can be partly questioned by civil society organisations and protest movement who want to reverse this cognitive and social pyramid or, at least, flatten it. For those reasons, power holders use many means to divide lowers castes majority and divert them from the key issues that face India – through communitarianism hatred – and ensure their freedom of act as leaders – by enact draconian laws to so-called protect peoples from communitarianism terrorism act that they contribute to create themself.
So, political impunity and economic impunity are two side of the same social impunity coin. Social activists and lower castes who want defend their right and critics the system are beating by the police and the army without any respect for their humanity, while neo-liberalism allows upper castes and big corporation to make profit with all impunity, because peoples fighting each other for religion issues or because they do not dare to attack the Brahmanism power.
In this division process of the poorest majority, those who try to keep their power use classical methods in order to conserve their social position. They know that hate call for hate. This is a universal law. And when government leaders begin to feed communal hatred between their own citizens and practice authoritarian political repression, we can qualified it as a “neo-fascist” state because he implement a national culture of hatred against difference, and love – or at least blind respect – for authority.
As an example, we can take the case of the chief minister of Gujarat who calls for genocide again Muslim community in 2002 to revenge the death of 53 Hindu who are burned alive on a railway coach in still unclear circumstance. To achieve his bloodies aim; Nerendra Modi used violence rhetoric of hate in the media in order to stigmatized Muslim and victimized Hindu. And it is well knows that victimization feeling is the best way to create genocider which, as terrorist, feed their murder-craziness with the blood of the martyr and the blindness of hatred fascist ideologies – as Hindustva project or Islamiste one. Mr. Modi was next hailed as a hero by RSS and re-elected in Gujarat. Then, in 2009, this genocider was awarded by Ratan Tata (from Tata Group) and Mukesh Ambani (from Relience Industries) and received from them the Gujurat Garima award for the development of his policies – which at same times endorsed him for prime minister national elections.
What does this example means? Just that some political leaders have an interest to create divisions on society in order to conserve their power? Or maybe just that the true aim of the Hindutva project is to divide peoples in order to allow traditional power holder – upper casts – to keep ruling the country and keep easily running their business with economic leaders? Or just that those who promote genocide and mass-killing can do it with impunity and that there are actually reward for this?
Actually, this example highlight well that neo-fascism and authoritarian Hindutva project which feed communal hatred and divide the poorest majority of the society is also promoted by economic leaders in order to hide the implementation of an economic policy of impunity, which is supposed to make India as an attractive country for foreign investments and enrich both politic and economic leaders.
So, we can say that all those political repression, police torture, bureaucratic corruption, economic exploitation of human and nature, and rigid hierarchy of social domination are allow as much by the implantation of those social, political and economic cognitive cultures of impunity than by external factor such “the dangerous cross-currents of neo-liberal capitalism and communal neo-fascism”. As much by the actors cognition than by the contextual factors.
#NeoDalit #PVCHR #U4HUMANRIGHTS
#NeoDalit #PVCHR #U4HUMANRIGHTS